Friday, May 10, 2019

A Noble Lie: Oklahoma City 1995

The title of the documentary, A Noble Lie, is an idea in political science birthed from interpretations and/or mistranslations of Plato’s Republic, which conventionally refers to a falsehood or myth propagated by the elite to maintain social harmony or to promote a particular plan of action. For example, the Gulf of Tonkin incident was used to curry favor for the Vietnam war. Another example would be that of the Oklahoma City Bombing (OKCB), which involved an apparent ANFO bomb detonating half of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building on the morning of April 19, 1995. 168 people died, including 19 children within the daycare. The apparent reason for the bombing, according to Timothy McVeigh, who perpetrated the attack, was his disdain for the government due to their poor handling of the Ruby Ridge and Waco sieges. The day chosen for the bombing was the second anniversary of the Branch Davidian compound in Waco, Texas. McVeigh was eventually given the death penalty, and co-conspirator Terry Nichols received a life sentence. The Fortier couple was also charged for their connection to the bombing.
Controversy enveloped the case over the years because of witness accounts that didn’t match up with the official narrative, which included sightings of a John Doe No. 2—perhaps even multiple John Doe No. 2s; additionally, the case had troubling links to various other people, such as Andy Strassmeier and the Aryan Republican Army (ARA), many of whom either had suspected or confirmed intelligence agency connections. Even more troubling, over the course of the investigation, strange “suicides” further eroded the credibility of the official narrative and suggested a government coverup. The documentary includes many key witnesses and researchers, an ample amount of archival and new footage, and some official documents and articles to add credence, though it still leaves many unanswered questions and eschews a lot of important details; certain claims lack adequate sourcing and other information that should be included is omitted or obfuscated—sometimes in a disingenuous manner; however, it is so far probably the best introduction I’ve seen to the case, which skillfully weaves a coherent narrative out of the confusing details of one of the most fascinating cases of domestic terrorism in the U.S. In many ways, the event is a quintessential example of the noble lie, and only by examining this incident and others throughout history, can we ever hope to erode the veil drawn before us and convince the public of the need for government reform. 
There are many troubling aspects to the case that suggests foreknowledge among the different alphabet soup agencies. Specifically the ATF, though the CIA, FBI, and even the non-governmental organization $PLC have ties to the case. The ATF had their Oklahoma branch within the Murrah building, but none of them were killed, despite the high body count. This leads to the question of whether they were even there or not. 
There were some witness accounts that suggested they may not have been. A man on KFOR gives an account where he called to inquire ATF agents about the condition of his wife, but the person who answered tells him that they were currently in debriefing and unhurt because they were tipped off by their pagers not to come to work that morning. Two ATF agents, Luke Franey and Alex McCauley, gave some suspicious stories about being present that day, at least that is how the filmmakers of A Noble Lie present it; McCauley’s story does seem contradicted by the elevator technician. But one issue they don’t address at all is that Franey lists where many other ATF agents were and claims that three other agents were in the building, a few of which were wounded enough to be hospitalized:

The Oklahoma City bombing claimed 168 lives, but none of them was lost in the ATF office. Behenna asked Franey where each agent was that morning - apparently addressing earlier claims that ATF agents knew the bombing would happen and made sure they weren't there. Franey listed where each absent employee was: Don Gillispie and Tim Kelly were in Ponca City, testifying in an arson trial; Delbert Canopp was on his way back from Ponca City; Karen Simpson was at the federal courthouse next door; Darrell Edwards was at home, talking on the phone to Franey - they both worked late the night before on an investigation. Bruce Anderson was on his way to a compliance inspection.He also testified that two of the five ATF employees in the office that morning were seriously injured. Agent Jim Staggs was hospitalized with serious head wounds. Agent Vernon Buster was badly hurt. Agent Alex McCauley, Franey's supervisor, fell five floors while in an elevator. Valerie Rowden, the office manager, was cut all over, Franey said.

Prior to the explosion Jane Graham saw two men in ATF jackets (usually not worn in the building—presumably this is just for investigation in the field) while heading to work. An affidavit from Tiffany Bible, a paramedic working that day, indicates that she asked an ATF agent on the scene after the explosion, and he said there weren’t any ATF in the building that day, and the attack was because of Waco. She also witness several ATF agents twenty minutes after the bombing in clean jumpsuits, which indicates that they were unlikely to have been within the vicinity of the blast, and despite not showing up for work (at least not in the building, anyway), they responded quickly. Of course these accounts conflict with the link above, and it’s possible there were some misunderstandings among the various people interviewed or referenced.

The ATF informant Carol Howe (possibly Viefhaus as well), who was placed in Elohim City, a neo-nazi or white separatist compound, admitted under oath that Andy Strassmeir had made threats about blowing up a federal building, and she scouted several federal buildings with Strassmeir and others—she divulged this information prior to the bombing, and later brought it to the attention of the public. However it’s not clear that her information specifically indicated a plot to blow up the Murrah building. Though there is a Guardian article that mentions ATF reports from Carol Howe:

“In the months leading up to the Oklahoma bombing, Carol filed a series of reports to the ATF. In one, she reported that Andy Strassmeir had declared, "It's time to go to war," and, "It's time to start bombing federal buildings." In another, she reported that Strassmeir had travelled to Oklahoma City to case the Murrah building as a potential target. In a third, she reported that Elohim City's patriarch, Reverend Robert Millar, preached a Holy War against the Federal Government, and suggested that April 19 might be a good day to start that war.” Immediately after the bombing, Carol Howe identified Timothy McVeigh as someone she saw walking through the Elohim City forests with Andy Strassmeir. She also testified that she overheard Dennis Mahon take a telephone call from "Tim Tuttle" - the alias McVeigh used. "Carol had a lot of boyfriends at Elohim City," said Dennis. "But she'd scare them off. You know. 'Hey! Let's make a bomb!' That kind of talk tends to scare guys away." Dennis paused. "Especially when they may actually be planning something."

There are also two separate accounts of Ernest Istook, a congressman, who says to one witness that they knew this was going to happen; and to another: we’ve known about a bomb threat since at least April 9th.
Now, any single piece of information here should be regarded with scrutiny, being that much of it is eyewitness accounts or not hard evidence, but when so many accounts seem to line up and suggest the same thing, some of them from more credible sources than others, it becomes stronger, perhaps even damning. Initially it appears the media and the government are looking to uncover the truth and are more transparent, but as the case unfolds, the government shifts to covering up information because it might suggest they had involvement or failed to act appropriately. 
Witnesses also reported seeing the Oklahoma County bomb disposal unit prior to the attack. 
On ABC a large truck with a trailer had bomb squad printed on it. Supposedly it was in use by a deputy to run routine errands. Other documents obtained by 20/20 show that someone called the executive secretariat’s office at the justice department in Washington and said the Murrah building had been bombed; however this was 24 minutes prior to any bombs going off. There was even an entire video dedicated to foreknowledge by 20/20’s Roger Charles, but federal agents prevented it from being shown in its entirety. 
But it’s not just the issue of foreknowledge that plagues the case, but also speculation about a John Doe No. 2. At first this enigmatic figure was part of the official narrative, but later was dismissed as a “conspiracy theory”, and investigators refused to believe the possibility of other suspects (Not counting Nichols or Fortier, neither of whom were ever thought to be John Doe No. 2). There are a few accounts about seeing at least one suspicious character other than McVeigh near the Ryder truck on the day of the bombing, retreating into a brown pickup.
In truth, it would appear McVeigh wouldn’t necessarily need someone else present on the day of the bombing, but the FBI is still unwilling to release the video footage from that day to confirm the suspicions of the public, nor was it used as part of the trial, which one would think is a highly relevant piece of information. KFOR released a reenactment where they said their unnamed source had watched the tapes and indicated another man with McVeigh in the Ryder truck before it exploded.

Tapes do exist, but like other pertinent information, the government is refusing to release it to the public. This only serves to fuel the flames of “conspiracy theories”. Just what is it the government feels they must hide?
Daina Bradley’s account might be questionable because she changed her story and her experience during the bombing was extremely traumatic, but there’s also Rodney Johnson (featured in A Noble Lie) and Morris John Kuper Jr. who saw McVeigh with another man prior to the bombing:

Also Mike Moroz, who gave directions (the directions were to the street which the building was on or near) to a man in a Ryder truck just 30 minutes before the bombing. He also saw another person in the Ryder truck.

In the days before the bombing Tim McVeigh was seen making preparations with other suspects. Not Nichols or Fortier, but others who were unknown suspects.

The documentary is somewhat unclear on the details concerning the gas station, but McVeigh was seen by Mike Nations on the phone with a man who had shoulder length hair. The store clerk (not certain if this coincides with Nations’s account) reported McVeigh purchased fuel for a ryder truck 2 days before the bombing and a suspect was accompanying him.
Though it was said he never scouted inside the Murrah building a secret service investigator reported seeing him inside the Murrah building with a second suspect. two white males came into the U.S. Customs office inquiring about a job
The official narrative alleges that he rented the truck alone in Junction City, Kansas on April 17 (seems to be confirmed by the VIN number from the Ryder truck found after the bombing. McVeigh and Nichols supposedly constructed the bomb on April 18.
Witnesses indicate a Ryder truck was at Geary Lake before the 17th. James Sergeant says he saw it as early as April 11. Salon’s account of this is interesting:

“A more reasonable explanation for the construction of the bomb can be found in the testimony at Terry Nichols' trial. Charles Farley, a local sporting-goods rental shop worker, told the courtroom that he passed by Geary Lake at the time the bomb was being built, and saw not only the Ryder truck, a two-ton farm truck loaded with white bags of fertilizer and a car similar to McVeigh's getaway car, but at least five men working around the scene. "Initially, when I got to the gate, there was one individual standing at the back of the farm truck, at the back left corner of the farm truck," Farley testified. "I seen three individuals standing down between the Ryder truck and the brown car, one of them standing in the -- in the road just a little bit, one of them leaning against the front of the Ryder truck and the other one just kind of standing between them." Farley said he made to drive out of the area, pulling just beyond a gate nearby. "As soon as I was out, I seen an individual walking alongside of the farm truck. He was probably at the cab when I first seen him. And I was really going slow. I mean, I was just creeping. And I was going to roll the window down and ask him if he needed some help. And -- [he] give me kind of a dirty look and I decided, well, if you're going to be that way, me too, and I'm just going to leave; so I just drove away." Farley said he couldn't identify any of the other men, but he got a clear view of the man who shot him a look. Nichols' defense attorneys handed him a photo of a gray-bearded man, and Farley said it was the man. The Rocky Mountain News later tracked down the identity of the man in the photo and found it was a 60-something member of a local Kansas citizens' militia group named Morris Wilson. Strangely, prosecutors did not attempt to rebut much of Farley's testimony, which came on the last full day of defense testimony. It proved a crucial error in judgment. The jury convicted Nichols, but only of the lesser crime of taking part in the conspiracy and involuntary manslaughter, eschewing the murder and bombing charges that would have brought him the death penalty. Several of the jurors later said that Farley's testimony had convinced them that there was a wider conspiracy.”

Adding corroboration to Farley’s account is the fact that Geary Lake was cited as the location where McVeigh and Nichols supposedly built the bomb on April 18. McVeigh insists it was just he and Nichols who worked on the bomb. But why is McVeigh’s testimony more credible than Farley’s? One can certainly find many cases where someone convicted of a crime lies or changes his story. The same article also contends (along with numerous other sources) that Nichols had the intent of naming other people who may have been involved but was not encouraged (or perhaps allowed) to do so. Morris Wilson was also the man who was spotted by Farley, a member of a Kansas militia, and it’s known that McVeigh was involved in many militias during his travels, as well as gun shows. 
McVeigh stayed at dreamland hotel right outside Fort Riley, Kansas. witnesses said he was not alone, and the Ryder truck was there for days before the FBI insists it was purchased. Since there are witnesses indicating the Ryder truck was purchased on the 17th, and a VIN number found at the Murrah building, this suggests there were two Ryder trucks, the other one unaccounted for as to its origin—it was perhaps used for the transportation of materials for the bomb(s), but this element is unclear.
The maid at dreamland saw McVeigh with his companion and the Ryder truck. and she said the sketch of John Doe No. 2 looks just like McVeigh’s companion.
Jannie Coverdale went to Elliots’s Body Shop and asked Elliott, the owner, what happened the day Tim rented the truck. And he asked if she meant the day Tim and his friend came. We know Tim McVeigh was seen at the store by witnesses, and this is also confirmed because he rented the truck, signing his name as Robert Kling, and the VIN number for the truck he rented corresponded to the VIN number found at the Murrah building.
There have been attempts to discredit the John Doe No. 2 theory because one person who said they saw Tim McVeigh was apparently confused or led to be confused.

“The FBI has maintained that coincidence is the best way to explain John Doe No. 2, whose character sketch was drawn mainly from the account of an eyewitness at the Junction City shop where the Ryder truck was rented. That witness, the FBI says, mixed up his recollections and mistakenly identified a man who came in the next day to rent a truck -- a 23-year-old soldier named Todd Bunting -- as an accomplice of McVeigh's. Bunting, who was cleared of any connection to the crime, vaguely resembled the composite drawing and wore clothes similar to those in the drawing, including a Carolina Panthers ball cap.”
Indeed, Bunting actually bears some similarity to the John Doe No. 2 sketch, especially with the hat:

However, there are multiple John Doe No. 2 sketches, and there is also Michael Brescia who looks very similar to John Doe No. 2. Brescia had an alibi for that day. Some will say there is enough information to rule Brescia out, while others believe his story is flimsy. However, that speculation aside, Kessinger isn’t the only person who saw someone with McVeigh that day. Here is some more information about Kessinger’s account, along with Beemer and Elliott being witnesses to the same incident:

“Mr. Kessinger has already conceded that he had made a mistake when he said the square-jawed man who came to be known as John Doe No. 2 had accompanied Mr. McVeigh. The man he described was actually Pvt. Todd Bunting of the Army, who rented a truck a day later and had no connection with the bombing.”
So McVeigh rented the truck on the 17th, and he’s alleged to have a companion. Todd Bunting rented a truck on the 18th. In his original account he said two men came in the building when he saw McVeigh, but he may have mixed up his memory when it came to the appearance of the second man with McVeigh, and Bunting the next day, since time had transpired.
“Speaking publicly for the first time, Mr. Kessinger said he was sitting in the back of the truck rental office, taking a break at about 4:15 P.M. on Monday, April 17, 1995, when he saw two men come into the shop. They stood at the counter and began speaking with Vicki Beemer, who handled the paperwork that day. 
“Mr. Kessinger noticed Mr. McVeigh, he said, because of something Mr. McVeigh said, which was not disclosed in court, and he watched the two men for about 10 minutes.”

Elliot, the boss of the body shop, also gives an account of another man who is clearly with McVeigh, saying he had a white hat with blue lightning bolt on the side:

On April 17, Mr. Elliott said, he walked into the rental office and ''saw Mr. Kling five feet away. I walked up to him and asked him again about insurance. Another person was standing there. I glanced at him.'' ''I walked between the two of them,'' Mr. Elliott recalled, when he went out to inspect the truck. The second man was shorter than Mr. McVeigh, Mr. Elliott said, but he can remember nothing else about the second man except his ''white hat with blue lightning bolts on the side.''
Elliot’s account is more similar to the sketch. The pattern resemble lightning bolts on the side, while the hat Bunting has clearly has a shark and waves. 

According to Washington Post:

“A former Elliott's employee, Vicki Beemer, testified earlier that two days before the bombing, McVeigh was accompanied by a second man. A nurse from Herington, Kan., told jurors that she saw a Hispanic-looking man riding with McVeigh in the passenger seat of a Ryder truck several days before the blast. Numerous others testified that they saw a man resembling the sketch of John Doe No. 2 in or near a Ryder truck in the days preceding the bombing.”

In the testimony Wednesday, Elliott described how FBI agents tried to persuade him he'd gotten confused, too. 
"They wanted me to change my mind that there was a second person there. And I wouldn't change my mind, he said. 
Elliott said he wasn't even at his shop the day the other men Bunting and his friend had rented a truck.

Some even argue that there weren’t 168 victims in the bombing, but rather 169, because even after the 168 were accounted for, an extra left leg was found after the building was demolished—this detail has never been explained and DNA tests have yet to reveal anything. While there is as of yet no way to confirm the identity of this mystery person, some speculate that it’s John Doe No. 2.
after the first day… it seemed as if a media coverup began and only one channel was reporting on the multiple suspects beyond McVeigh or Nichols, and the possibility of foreknowledge. Only KFOR reported on this aspect. NYT purchased KFOR the next year and several people were fired. Debbie Nakanashi and Jane Graham were trying to see senators in Washington about the case, but none of them would see them. Juror Hoppy Heidelberg was asking questions of his own. He served on the federal grand jury that was supposed to investigate the bombing. An investigative team from the American Society of Civil Engineers were not allowed on the site of the bombing. The defense lawyer of McVeigh visited the site one time, but was not allowed to view the crater. They were in a hurry to blow up the building. And demolished it on May 23, 1995.
OKCB trial lasted about 28 days (ANL documentary says 3 weeks, but it seems to be more from what I checked), and the jury deliberated for less than 24 hours before reaching a guilty verdict and sentencing McVeigh to death. This prevented an enormous amount of documentation from being presented at all. June 11, 2001: McVeigh is put to death by lethal injection and quickly cremated. An autopsy was not performed on his body, which is against the standard procedure for executed prisoners—and it was per McVeigh’s request. This oddity has led to theories about McVeigh possibly still being alive (while I have a hard time swallowing this—there actually is some more circumstantial evidence to build a case for this theory). Terry Nichols had a separate trial with the verdict of a life sentence without the possibility of parole. While Nichols was found guilty, the jury refused the death penalty based on the evidence they were presented. Fortier got about 10 years. 
It would see cut and dried from there. But there are many other details to be addressed: the strange suicides of Terrance Yeakey, Kenneth Trentadue, Alden Gillis Baker, and Richard Lee Guthrie. Given the details, it’s questionable if any of these were suicides at all. 
Terrance Yeakey is nearby when the bomb explodes and he rushes to the scene and is one of the first to arrive and pulls out several people, injuring himself in the process. Evidently he saw something strange inside of the building, specifically near the daycare. His ex-wife (strangely not featured in the documentary, though she has given many interviews on the subject) and family mentioned he was acting paranoid and was convinced the government were covering up certain details about the OKCB. 
He was going to take some files to a mini storage in El Reno, but was found dead the next day on the morning of May 08,1996, his body is found a mile in a half from the front gate of the Reno Penitentiary in a field. Cuts were found on the inside of both wrists, elbows and jugular veins. He was beaten, ligature marks were around on his neck, and handcuff marks were on his wrists. A small caliber bullet had passed through the temple and out of the cheek, with no powder burns. There was a bloody knife in the car and he apparently stabbed himself 13 times and cut himself many times. He was found half a mile from where his car was. The doors were locked, windows rolled up, and the keys were in the console. A bloody knife was in the glove box. His car and home had been broken into and vandalized prior. According to Don Browning, a former OKC police officer, no autopsy was performed. They did reports on the injuries but not an autopsy. No drugs or alcohol was in his system, and he never mentioned anything about being depressed. 
Kenneth Trentadue, who was arrested in San Diego for a parole violation and extradited to OKC allegedly committed suicide in his cell on August 21, 1995. The federal government didn’t want an autopsy done, but the state required it. The federal government attempted to have Kenny cremated. They ended up being required to send the body home to the Trentadues and they find that Kenneth’s throat was slit, and it’s very clear he was beaten and tortured. His skull was smashed in three places, the soles of his feet were beaten, bruises were on his arms. The crime scene photos and negatives disappear. The video camera supposedly malfunctioned. Alden Gillis Baker claimed to know something about Trentadue’s death and was willing to talk, but he ended up hanged to death in his cell. Strangely, he isn’t mentioned in the documentary, but spending only thirty seconds to a minute to cover Baker would have added a lot of weight to their coverage, especially considering his death was very suspicious, given that he was intending to provide information. 
A person anonymously called Jesse Trentadue, saying his brother was killed by the FBI and it was an interrogation gone bad. A case of mistaken identity. He fit the profile of people who were robbing banks to attack the federal government. 
Jesse Trentadue also alleged that he received a message from Tim McVeigh. “When i saw your brother’s picture, and i heard what happened to him, I wanted you to know that I think the FBI killed him because they thought he was Richard Lee Guthrie.”
Richard Lee Guthrie was part of a gang of criminals, called the ARA, who were robbing banks with the intention of funding anti-government activities and terrorism. It’s alleged that some of this money may have gone toward funding the OKCB. The government prefers to deny McVeigh has any connection to the ARA, however. Guthrie had a very similar appearance to Trentadue and both sported a dragon tattoo on their left forearm. Guthrie ended up dead in his cell by hanging on July 12, 1996. The following day he was supposed to have an interview with LA Times, and he said he intended to blow the lid on the OKCB case. Thus, it seems plausible that Jesse Trentadue’s assertion about the FBI having attempted to interrogate Kenneth Trentadue using torture, leading to his death, is likely. 
Again, this is a very important detail that isn’t included in the documentary—the only thing they mention is that Guthrie is in the ARA and looks similar to Kenneth Trentadue.
Peter Langan, a key member of the ARA, offered information connecting his co-conspirator to McVeigh, but the government refused. This indicates that Guthrie and other members of the ARA are indeed connected to McVeigh. Guthrie admits to having special information about OKCB, and Langan js admitting to a connection as well. Nichols isn’t provided the opportunity to divulge more details about extra people being involved, and some of the ARA members are connected to Elohim City, which was called twice (April 5th and April 17th) by McVeigh, asking for Andy Strassmeier. Josiah Stone gives an account of having met McVeigh at Elohim City. Andy Strassmeir was reported as wanting to bomb federal buildings and they scouted several buildings. The FBI, ATF, and $PLC had informants within Elohim City. A potential reason that the government would want to avoid the involvement of people other than McVeigh, Nichols, and Fortier, is because some people who were involved were likely informants or agents who infiltrated Elohim City. Most of this can be determined from FBI documents, some of which are shown in the documentary (though unfortunately redactions are common so it’s difficult to get the full picture). 

In Tulsa at Lady Godiva’s, one stripper named Shawn Tea Farrens said McVeigh and Strassmeier and others had come in a few days before the bombing. The Ryder truck was parked in the parking lot. There is an account of some of the strippers speaking with McVeigh in a tape seized by the FBI.

Strassmeier was a german intelligence officer. After the bombing he was taken out of the country by a former CIA operative and back to Germany. He was smuggled through Mexico to Germany. And he was never questioned about any possible involvement until he was back in Germany. Strassmeier’s roommate in Elohim City is Brescia, a member of the ARA and convicted of bank robbery.
So to add to the idea of informants from multiple agencies being embedded within Elohim City… Patcon—or Patriot Conspiracy—is an operation the FBI had in place since 1991, and it involved the infiltration of militia, neo-nazi, white separatist, and dissident groups—essentially any group the FBI believed might be a threat to the government. Waco and Ruby Ridge were Patcon operations, and it’s suspected that OKCB or Elohim City was as well. Of course, after the bad publicity generated by Waco and Ruby Ridge, the feds were likely taciturn about anything close to a big scale raid. Because of elements of foreknowledge and all of the strange coverups, it would appear that OKCB may have been a government sting gone bad. For example, McVeigh was supposed to arrive at a certain time and government agents would bust him before he could detonate the explosives—or they were supposed to catch him somewhere along the way before the Murrah building. Why would the government do this? They perform sting operations all the time. Sometimes they catch people breaking the law of their own accord, but there are many accounts of the FBI instigating criminal behavior once they have infiltrated a group. Successful sting operations increase their funds and justify their existence.
The documentary even suggests the idea of McVeigh being sheepdipped, meaning he took all the official measures to quit the military, but he remained employed by the government—some kind of special ops or CIA. Then he essentially becomes a new person, heavily involved in the militia movement. An interesting read that prefers some support to this notion are his letters to his sister, and his family describe details different than the narrative of “McVeigh dropped out of the military because he didn’t make the cut for special forces. If this is so, then he could have been a government agent who decided to turn against the government. Or perhaps not, but even over two decades later there are still many puzzling questions the government glosses over, and none of the tapes are released.
Yes, McVeigh would deny all of this—but, again, there is no reason to believe McVeigh over any other witnesses. There are many reasons he might lie. To protect his family. To protect the people at Elohim City or others. After all, he had Nichols rob Roger Moore in Arkansas; this was allegedly to give Moore an alibi.
There are some issues with the documentary, but I suspect they also may have information from documents unavailable to the public that makes some of their claims difficult to confirm. They did use information from documents in the possession of Stephen Jones (McVeigh’s lawyer). Some material covered in the documentary that I didn’t speak of were the analyses of the bombing and comparisons to other similar bombs. And, yes, while I did try to provide some sources, I’m not certain of the veracity of all of them, and I didn’t want to take the time to research every claim made in the documentary simply for the sake of this blog post. I plan on researching the case further and making some more posts and likely some videos on the subject. I’ll be taking a look at the PBS documentary on the OKCB next.

No comments:

Post a Comment